キリスト教文化研究所紀要・2003年度寄稿
Europe
in search of its identity
The
debate about the Christian roots of European Civilization
Andrea
Bonazzi
While in Italy for my sabbatical year I have had the opportunity of
becoming acquainted with a very lively debate going on all around Europe[1]
about the new Constitution for the European Union. Pope John Paul II himself
has taken this debate very much to heart, and has spoken of it with increasing fervour
in many public addresses. He has asked that “the treaty explicitly acknowledge the Christian roots
of Europe.” But the chances that his appeal will be acknowledged look very low
at this moment.
In this paper I would like to relate about a few aspects of this debate, taking advantage of the contributions by Silvio Ferrari, and Pietro De Marco, about a dream that also belongs to Pope Wojtyla: the acknowledgment of the Christian roots of modern politics.
In this paper I would like to relate about a few aspects of this debate, taking advantage of the contributions by Silvio Ferrari, and Pietro De Marco, about a dream that also belongs to Pope Wojtyla: the acknowledgment of the Christian roots of modern politics.
Europe, Secularity and Christianity
Why is it that the appeal by the
pope looks unlikely to be accepted? One of the reasons widely repeated is that
the future charter of Europe must be of a secular character, and that there is
an irreconcilable contrast between secularism and Christianity. But that’s not a good reason. Both on the
philosophical and on the historical level, this contrast is a false one. The
modern secular state has its roots in Christianity and in the distinction
between religion and politics that it introduced. It is secular because it is
Christian: this is the true nature of Europe. Silvio Ferrari, a professor at
the state University of Milan and a great expert in religious law, explains
this in an article published in the magazine of the Sacred Heart Fathers of
Bologna, “Il Regno” no. 16, September 15, 2003. It was presented by Ferrari at
the “Summer School on Religions in Europe” held last August at San Gimignano,
Tuscany, and organized by the Association for the study of Religious Phenomena,
ASFER[2].
“I am
convinced, says prof. Ferrari, that the identity of Europe – and thus its
specificity in regard to other civilizations – is found in its political
secularity, and that this secularity has its roots precisely in Christianity.” In a rough approximation, we can say that
secularity consists in the refusal to identify a political system with any
specifically religious conception of the world; that is, the refusal of a
totalizing vision of society, in which public institutions act as an extension
of a religion or an ideology. This refusal is, in large part, an appropriation
from Christianity, which introduced into history – with much greater clarity
than Judaism and especially Islam – the distinction between religion and
politics.
This distinction implies that religion may inspire political choices, but does not constitute its direct and immediate justification: even the most delicate choices (one thinks of abortion and euthanasia) cannot be motivated on the political level with the affirmation “God wants it that way.” It is completely legitimate to maintain that abortion and euthanasia violate divine law and thus commit oneself to preventing their legalization, but in the political realm, this argument alone is not enough. One must prove the sound foundations of one’s convictions and choices, adding arguments that demonstrate their reasonableness. In this perspective, secularism presents itself as the platform for a “democracy by argument” where an exchange among various political choices takes place.
This idea of political secularism alone would be enough to distinguish Europe from other continents, civilizations, and cultures. But I believe that it’s possible to go even further. The exchange among various political alternatives that constitutes the secularity of the state is founded on a presupposition: the existence of principles of universal validity that can be recognized and shared by all “reasonable” human beings; beings, that is, who are capable of using their reason well. [3] Without the conviction that good and evil, justice and injustice, exist, this exchange would be a useless waste of time. A politically secular society need not be relativistic: it can admit that there exist universal values capable of bringing together persons belonging to different cultures, religions, and ethnicities, and that these same persons can identify these values through a search and an exchange conducted according to the rules of the argumentation of ideas mentioned above.
This distinction implies that religion may inspire political choices, but does not constitute its direct and immediate justification: even the most delicate choices (one thinks of abortion and euthanasia) cannot be motivated on the political level with the affirmation “God wants it that way.” It is completely legitimate to maintain that abortion and euthanasia violate divine law and thus commit oneself to preventing their legalization, but in the political realm, this argument alone is not enough. One must prove the sound foundations of one’s convictions and choices, adding arguments that demonstrate their reasonableness. In this perspective, secularism presents itself as the platform for a “democracy by argument” where an exchange among various political choices takes place.
This idea of political secularism alone would be enough to distinguish Europe from other continents, civilizations, and cultures. But I believe that it’s possible to go even further. The exchange among various political alternatives that constitutes the secularity of the state is founded on a presupposition: the existence of principles of universal validity that can be recognized and shared by all “reasonable” human beings; beings, that is, who are capable of using their reason well. [3] Without the conviction that good and evil, justice and injustice, exist, this exchange would be a useless waste of time. A politically secular society need not be relativistic: it can admit that there exist universal values capable of bringing together persons belonging to different cultures, religions, and ethnicities, and that these same persons can identify these values through a search and an exchange conducted according to the rules of the argumentation of ideas mentioned above.
This is another idea that
Christianity has, over time, made its own: the existence of natural law –
already affirmed by Greco-Roman thought – and human ability to know it are
central to the Thomistic conception of society. Beginning with Grotius and
Pufendorf, this idea underwent a process of secularization, but it was not
obliterated: in other words, reference to God as the foundation of natural law
was removed, but the idea that natural law exists and is rationally definable
was not diminished.[4] The
currently popular conception of the fundamental rights of the human person is
based at least implicitly on this presupposition. Again, this seems to me an
element that distinguishes the West, and Europe in particular. It was not by
accident that the concept of the fundamental rights of the human person was
born in the West and is accepted only with great reservations in other parts of
the world: the idea of natural law – that is, the idea that there exists a law
that binds all human beings even before the law that follows from their
religious, political, or national adherence – is today very weak in Muslim
thought, and is the object of significant criticism in Jewish cultural
tradition. In the absence of natural law, law of religious origin becomes
immediately the point of reference for the construction of political society as
well, in which those who do not belong to the dominant religion are frequently
marginalized.
The plan for a secular state in which all – believers, non-believers, the faithful of various religions – can live together was born in Europe because the Greco-Roman and Christian cultural heritage gave us the idea of natural law: this permitted to identify a common platform of rights and duties beginning from which persons of different memberships, traditions, and convictions can work together in peace and equality. These, in synthesis, are the reasons why it should be maintained that the secularity of the state and of politics is at the heart of European identity. One should not forget that also the concept of “Christian forgiveness” has played a decisive role in the formation of Europe. It must be said that, after the breakdown of the Roman Empire, it is the Church that has taught the various semi-barbaric and very much violence-prone tribes and peoples that held sway over Europe, to live together.
From the above, moreover, it is clear how much Christianity has contributed to the development of this idea of secularity. The fact that this was affirmed in consequence of the religious wars and then became the banner of the 19th century liberal state – the fact that secularism was imposed on Europe apart from the Church and in spite of its opposition – does not change the fact that it has its roots in the distinction between religion and politics proper to Christianity. It is for this reason that, during the last century, political secularism could be recovered as a truly Christian value by the Protestant Churches, the Catholic Church, and, more recently, the Orthodox Churches.
The plan for a secular state in which all – believers, non-believers, the faithful of various religions – can live together was born in Europe because the Greco-Roman and Christian cultural heritage gave us the idea of natural law: this permitted to identify a common platform of rights and duties beginning from which persons of different memberships, traditions, and convictions can work together in peace and equality. These, in synthesis, are the reasons why it should be maintained that the secularity of the state and of politics is at the heart of European identity. One should not forget that also the concept of “Christian forgiveness” has played a decisive role in the formation of Europe. It must be said that, after the breakdown of the Roman Empire, it is the Church that has taught the various semi-barbaric and very much violence-prone tribes and peoples that held sway over Europe, to live together.
From the above, moreover, it is clear how much Christianity has contributed to the development of this idea of secularity. The fact that this was affirmed in consequence of the religious wars and then became the banner of the 19th century liberal state – the fact that secularism was imposed on Europe apart from the Church and in spite of its opposition – does not change the fact that it has its roots in the distinction between religion and politics proper to Christianity. It is for this reason that, during the last century, political secularism could be recovered as a truly Christian value by the Protestant Churches, the Catholic Church, and, more recently, the Orthodox Churches.
Christianity and the Constitution of the EU
Placed in this context, the preamble of the new constitution, proposed by the Convention, seems a bit disappointing. It contains a series of references to rights, liberties, and democracy, but omits any reference to secularism, the element that distinguishes Europe from other civilizations. Some propose to insert into the European constitution a reference to the Christian roots of Europe, but even that doesn’t seem like enough. In one sense, it lends itself to an interpretation in terms of “archaeology,” an homage to a past that has little influence on the questions that really matter today. In another, it doesn’t take into account the reasons for mentioning the Christian tradition in a Europe that is becoming ever more secularized and multireligious. A generic remembrance of the Christian roots of Europe would not highlight enough the nexus that binds secularism and Christianity, and would thus place itself in a somewhat eccentric position in respect to what, especially in a juridical and political document like a constitution, is the center of the problem: the question of the rights and liberties of the citizens, which find their fundamental guarantee in the secularity of the state.
Courage is undoubtedly needed in order
to acknowledge the Christian roots of political secularism, and, on the other
side, the value of secularism for the construction of a united Europe. For too
long, secularism and Christianity have been presented and perceived in terms of
irreconcilable contrast. This explains why neither secularism nor Christianity
is ever mentioned in the draft of the European constitution. But in this way the
risk is to remain prisoners of the prejudice of the past, while the present
teaches us that, by now, secularism and Christianity are on the same side of
the barricade. Their enemies – for example, political-religious radicalism –
are frequently the same. Today, more than ever, it is clear that the contrast
between Christianity and secularism is false, not only on the philosophical
level, but on the historical level as well.
As profoundly secularized as it is,
contemporary Europe remains founded on principles and values of religious
origin, and more precisely of Christian origin: this is the meaning of the
statement by Carl Schmitt, according to whom “all of the most pregnant
concepts of modern doctrine of the state are secularized theological concepts.”
[5]
Prof. Ferrari has two concluding
observations. A good constitution must strive to evaluate all of the
contributions that have gone toward forming the heritage of the civilization on
which it is founded. To that end, many have suggested mentioning in the
preamble of the future constitution the “Jewish-Christian” heritage of Europe.
In many areas, there may be continuities between Judaism and Christianity, but
not in all. Jewish law, for example, is much closer to Islamic law than to
canon law or that of the other Christian Churches, which were much more deeply
impacted upon by Roman law. These differences probably would not be expressed
by the mention of “the Jewish and Christian heritage” of Europe.
The reference to Judaism and Christianity leaves out only Islam from among the great religions of the Mediterranean basin. Apart from the fact that this is politically inopportune, it seems fundamentally unjust: around the end of the first millennium Europe acquired a debt toward Islam that the following centuries of conflict were not able to cancel. Spain, southern Italy, and the Balkans still preserve splendid traces of the Muslim civilization, and the studies of Bernard Lewis have shown how extended and profound is the contribution that it made to European science and culture.[6] Without wishing in any way to equate the roles that Christianity and Islam had in the history of Europe, to pass over the Muslim tradition in silence seems to some myopic and hardly generous. For all these reasons, if it is thought opportune to modify the second clause of the preamble of the future European constitution (which now reads, “Inspired by the cultural, religious, and humanistic heritage of Europe...”), one could consider a formula of this tenor: “Inspired by the heritage constituted by the Greek and Roman civilizations, by the Jewish and Christian religious traditions, in fertile dialogue with the Muslim tradition, by the philosophical currents of the age of the Enlightenment...”[7]
The reference to Judaism and Christianity leaves out only Islam from among the great religions of the Mediterranean basin. Apart from the fact that this is politically inopportune, it seems fundamentally unjust: around the end of the first millennium Europe acquired a debt toward Islam that the following centuries of conflict were not able to cancel. Spain, southern Italy, and the Balkans still preserve splendid traces of the Muslim civilization, and the studies of Bernard Lewis have shown how extended and profound is the contribution that it made to European science and culture.[6] Without wishing in any way to equate the roles that Christianity and Islam had in the history of Europe, to pass over the Muslim tradition in silence seems to some myopic and hardly generous. For all these reasons, if it is thought opportune to modify the second clause of the preamble of the future European constitution (which now reads, “Inspired by the cultural, religious, and humanistic heritage of Europe...”), one could consider a formula of this tenor: “Inspired by the heritage constituted by the Greek and Roman civilizations, by the Jewish and Christian religious traditions, in fertile dialogue with the Muslim tradition, by the philosophical currents of the age of the Enlightenment...”[7]
The
sacrament of power
Now De Marco[8], for his
part, wants to underline how the question of secularism founded on Christian
political theology goes beyond the static separation of religious and civil
authorities and their respective “citizenships.” In his profound reflection of
a half a century ago, in an essay entitled “The New Science of Politics,” Eric
Voegelin asserts: “In this way the political theology [of Varrone e Cicero] was
ended by orthodox Christianity [of St. Augustine]. The spiritual destiny of man
in the Christian sense cannot be represented on earth by the power organization
of a political society; it can be represented only by the Church. The sphere of
power is radically de-divinized; it has become temporal. [In reality,] the
specifically modern problems of representation are connected with the
re-divinization of society.”[9]
The latter process is brought about, according to Voegelin, by heretical developments, which are then secularized, like the eschatological trinitarianism of Gioacchino da Fiore, or even the expectation of the ultimate earthly Kingdom. The foundation of secularism in orthodox Christian doctrine thus principally comprehends the protection of the de-divinized political order from the constant risk of its tendency toward absolutism, from the assertion of a single and salvific political power, from politics as a sacrament. This is what is really at stake for secularism.
Paolo Prodi[10] ended his great book of 1992 “The Sacrament of Power” with an exhortation: “We must learn to both transmit to new peoples and to demand from them respect for the techniques and mechanisms of the democratic system, but in the first place the spirit of the [Christian theological-political] dualism. If it is true that desacralization is the fruit of Western Christianity, then the principle of dual belonging, a dual order, is our tragedy – but it can also be our salvation [and that of others, I would add].”
What does secularism as the original and permanent de-divinization of politics imply? It implies that political modernity is essentially Christian, and, at the same time, that religious membership is necessary to guarantee that political citizenship not be corrupted. From this follows the recognition of Christianity, above all, and of the other founding religions. In the European constitutional charter that is being defined, this “datum” must be displayed. The historically shallow political culture of certain élites of the European community and the Christian subcultures that participate in their opacity must not think that they can smother an irreducible structure. It would not be the first time that history has punished these forms of ignorance.[11]
The latter process is brought about, according to Voegelin, by heretical developments, which are then secularized, like the eschatological trinitarianism of Gioacchino da Fiore, or even the expectation of the ultimate earthly Kingdom. The foundation of secularism in orthodox Christian doctrine thus principally comprehends the protection of the de-divinized political order from the constant risk of its tendency toward absolutism, from the assertion of a single and salvific political power, from politics as a sacrament. This is what is really at stake for secularism.
Paolo Prodi[10] ended his great book of 1992 “The Sacrament of Power” with an exhortation: “We must learn to both transmit to new peoples and to demand from them respect for the techniques and mechanisms of the democratic system, but in the first place the spirit of the [Christian theological-political] dualism. If it is true that desacralization is the fruit of Western Christianity, then the principle of dual belonging, a dual order, is our tragedy – but it can also be our salvation [and that of others, I would add].”
What does secularism as the original and permanent de-divinization of politics imply? It implies that political modernity is essentially Christian, and, at the same time, that religious membership is necessary to guarantee that political citizenship not be corrupted. From this follows the recognition of Christianity, above all, and of the other founding religions. In the European constitutional charter that is being defined, this “datum” must be displayed. The historically shallow political culture of certain élites of the European community and the Christian subcultures that participate in their opacity must not think that they can smother an irreducible structure. It would not be the first time that history has punished these forms of ignorance.[11]
“Ecclesia in
Europa”
Europe's crisis of values has been the topic of many of John Paul
II's addresses this summer. He focused on the topic during six public addresses
on Sundays to pilgrims gathered in the courtyard of the papal summer residence in
Castelgandolfo to pray the Angelus. "It cannot be denied that, in these
our times, Europe is going through a crisis of values, and it is important that
it recover its true identity," the Pope said on Sunday when commenting on
the apostolic exhortation "Ecclesia in Europa." That document
gathered the conclusions of the 1999 Synod of Bishops of Europe. It took almost four years and 130
pages of text for John Paul II to sum up the 1999 special assembly of the Synod
of Bishops for Europe. His conclusions are contained in this Apostolic
Exhortation, published Saturday, June 28, and available on the Vatican’s web site. In it, the pope analyzes the
situation of the Church in Europe in the light of the Apocalypse, the New
Testament book that “discloses to the community of believers the deep and
hidden meaning of what is taking place.” And just as among the seven Churches
of the Apocalypse there were those with an impoverished faith, so too -– the
pope says – it is among the Churches of Europe today. In paragraph 47 of
“Ecclesia in Europa,” a concerned John Paul II writes: “‘When the Son of man
comes, will he find faith on earth?’ (Lk 18:8). Will he find faith in our
countries, in this Europe of ancient Christian tradition? This is an open
question which clearly reveals the depth and the drama of one of the most
serious challenges which our Churches are called to face”. John Paul II invites
the Catholics of Europe to “awake, and strengthen what remains and is on the
point of death” (Rev 3:2) and offers guidance in “promoting a new proclamation
of the Gospel”.
"The process of enlargement of the European Union to include
other countries cannot refer only to geographical and economic aspects, but must
be translated in a renewed agreement of values to be expressed in law and in
life," the Holy Father said commenting on the Exhortation.
For the Pope, Europe is not just "a geographic place,"[12] but, rather, "predominantly a cultural and historical concept" to which the Christian faith has given its form, and whose fundamental values have inspired "the democratic ideal and human rights of European modernity."
Beyond the lack of mention of the role of Christianity in the future European Constitution, which is in its final phase of redaction, what worries the Pontiff is the progressive secularization of the Continent in the form of "agnosticism and practical atheism" [see Angelus of July 27].
Confronted with this situation, the Pope proposes "a renewed commitment" which is "indispensable if we are to face the challenges of secularization, so that believers may make their entire life a true spiritual worship that is pleasing to God," in particular, through rediscovering the "value of Sunday," as he explained at the Angelus on Aug. 3.
"This day is the symbol par excellence of all that Christianity has stood for and still stands for, in Europe and throughout the world: the perennial proclamation of the Good News of the resurrection of Jesus, the celebration of his victory over sin and death, the commitment to the human being's full liberation," he said. "By preserving the Christian meaning of Sunday, a notable contribution is made to Europe for the preservation of an essential part of its own particular spiritual and cultural heritage," he added. This proclamation of the essential message of the Gospel, he said on the 8th of August, must be supported by "effective human promotion," inspired by "the culture of solidarity." "Today too, it is necessary to give renewed hope to the poor, so that in welcoming and serving them, it is Christ himself who welcomes and serves," he said. "Many challenges in this regard confront European believers. Today, there are many categories of persons who are poor: among them, the unemployed, the sick, isolated or abandoned elderly persons, the homeless, marginalized youth, immigrants and refugees." "A service of love also means to re-propose faithfully the truth about matrimony and the family, to educate young people, engaged couples and families themselves to live and spread the Gospel of life, fighting against the culture of death," the Holy Father added.
The Pope's constant reminder of the need to recognize the contribution of Christian values is based on his conviction, expressed the same day, that "only with everyone's contribution will it be possible to build a 'city worthy of man' in Europe and in the world, and a more just and stable international order."
For the Pope, Europe is not just "a geographic place,"[12] but, rather, "predominantly a cultural and historical concept" to which the Christian faith has given its form, and whose fundamental values have inspired "the democratic ideal and human rights of European modernity."
Beyond the lack of mention of the role of Christianity in the future European Constitution, which is in its final phase of redaction, what worries the Pontiff is the progressive secularization of the Continent in the form of "agnosticism and practical atheism" [see Angelus of July 27].
Confronted with this situation, the Pope proposes "a renewed commitment" which is "indispensable if we are to face the challenges of secularization, so that believers may make their entire life a true spiritual worship that is pleasing to God," in particular, through rediscovering the "value of Sunday," as he explained at the Angelus on Aug. 3.
"This day is the symbol par excellence of all that Christianity has stood for and still stands for, in Europe and throughout the world: the perennial proclamation of the Good News of the resurrection of Jesus, the celebration of his victory over sin and death, the commitment to the human being's full liberation," he said. "By preserving the Christian meaning of Sunday, a notable contribution is made to Europe for the preservation of an essential part of its own particular spiritual and cultural heritage," he added. This proclamation of the essential message of the Gospel, he said on the 8th of August, must be supported by "effective human promotion," inspired by "the culture of solidarity." "Today too, it is necessary to give renewed hope to the poor, so that in welcoming and serving them, it is Christ himself who welcomes and serves," he said. "Many challenges in this regard confront European believers. Today, there are many categories of persons who are poor: among them, the unemployed, the sick, isolated or abandoned elderly persons, the homeless, marginalized youth, immigrants and refugees." "A service of love also means to re-propose faithfully the truth about matrimony and the family, to educate young people, engaged couples and families themselves to live and spread the Gospel of life, fighting against the culture of death," the Holy Father added.
The Pope's constant reminder of the need to recognize the contribution of Christian values is based on his conviction, expressed the same day, that "only with everyone's contribution will it be possible to build a 'city worthy of man' in Europe and in the world, and a more just and stable international order."
Sunday 18th of August Address
1.
The day before yesterday, the solemnity of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary,
the liturgy exhorted us to lift our gaze to heaven to contemplate Mary in the
new Jerusalem, the Holy City that comes down from God (see Revelation 21:2).
"Behold, I make all things new," the Lord says (ibid., 21,5). In the Book of Revelation, the Gospel of hope resounds with vigor, which impels one to receive the "novelty of God," an eschatological gift that goes beyond every human possibility, and which only he can bring about. This "novelty" will be fulfilled at the end of time, but it is already present in history. Already now, in fact, through the Church, God is renewing and transforming the world, and the reflections of his action are perceptible also "in every form of human coexistence inspired by the Gospel" ("Ecclesia in Europa," No. 107).
2. The European Continent, which for 2,000 years "has heard the Gospel of the Kingdom inaugurated by Jesus" (ibid., 107), cannot but be understood by this "novelty." The Christian faith has given it form, and some of its fundamental values have later inspired "the democratic ideal and human rights" of European modernity. In addition to being "a geographic place," Europe is "predominantly a cultural and historical concept," characterized as a Continent thanks also to the unifying force of Christianity, which has been a primary factor of unity among peoples and cultures and of the integral promotion of man and his rights (see ibid., No. 108).
It cannot be denied that, in these our times, Europe is going though a crisis of values, and it is important that it recover its true identity. The process of enlargement of the European Union to include other countries cannot refer only to geographical and economic aspects, but must be translated in a renewed agreement of values to be expressed in law and in life (see ibid., No. 110).
3. Let us pray to the Holy Virgin, venerated in so many European shrines, so that she will help the Continent to always be aware of its spiritual vocation and contribute to build solidarity and peace "within its borders and throughout the world" (No. 113).[translation www.zenit.org].
"Behold, I make all things new," the Lord says (ibid., 21,5). In the Book of Revelation, the Gospel of hope resounds with vigor, which impels one to receive the "novelty of God," an eschatological gift that goes beyond every human possibility, and which only he can bring about. This "novelty" will be fulfilled at the end of time, but it is already present in history. Already now, in fact, through the Church, God is renewing and transforming the world, and the reflections of his action are perceptible also "in every form of human coexistence inspired by the Gospel" ("Ecclesia in Europa," No. 107).
2. The European Continent, which for 2,000 years "has heard the Gospel of the Kingdom inaugurated by Jesus" (ibid., 107), cannot but be understood by this "novelty." The Christian faith has given it form, and some of its fundamental values have later inspired "the democratic ideal and human rights" of European modernity. In addition to being "a geographic place," Europe is "predominantly a cultural and historical concept," characterized as a Continent thanks also to the unifying force of Christianity, which has been a primary factor of unity among peoples and cultures and of the integral promotion of man and his rights (see ibid., No. 108).
It cannot be denied that, in these our times, Europe is going though a crisis of values, and it is important that it recover its true identity. The process of enlargement of the European Union to include other countries cannot refer only to geographical and economic aspects, but must be translated in a renewed agreement of values to be expressed in law and in life (see ibid., No. 110).
3. Let us pray to the Holy Virgin, venerated in so many European shrines, so that she will help the Continent to always be aware of its spiritual vocation and contribute to build solidarity and peace "within its borders and throughout the world" (No. 113).[translation www.zenit.org].
Separation of church and state
Some people see active participation of religious leaders in
political debates as an intrusion of the church, especially the Catholic
Church, into politics and global affairs. But, according to others, that kind
of criticism has only one purpose: to bully Catholics and other religious
believers into being silent when they should speak up. People need to act on
their convictions, especially their religious beliefs, or their convictions
eventually disappear. Politics is the application of power to human affairs.
The use of power always raises moral, and therefore religious, questions about
the nature of right and wrong, and what constitutes the common good. So the
Church would be very foolish – in fact, she would be unfaithful to her mission --
if she didn't actively promote religious freedom. How a society thinks about
God, sooner or later shapes how it treats the human person. The right meaning
of the "separation of church and state”, does not require an irreligious
state. It's possible for a society to give preferential status to one religion
without automatically persecuting others. But the devil is in the details. Many
Muslims would claim that Islamic law, Shariah, achieves this by favoring Islam
while guaranteeing certain rights to Jews and Christians. But the historical
record shows the opposite: that Shariah actually marginalizes and oppresses
Christians and other religious believers and prevents them from fully
participating in the life of the nation. In Saudi Arabia, a Muslim who converts
to Christianity risks his or her life, and all non-Muslim religious practice is
banned.
A genuine faith in God should always lead us to a deeper respect for the rights of the human person, including people with different religions from our own, because we are all created by the same Father. So Europe has a special opportunity and vocation in this field. It can offer a great example to the world of different religions living amicably with one another and cooperating for the common good. That can only happen, of course, if religious believers take their faith peacefully but vigorously into the public square -- including the voting booth. "Separation of church and state" should never mean exiling religion from public affairs. The U.S. Constitution, for instance, forbids the establishment of a specific state church. It does not forbid, and the founders never intended to forbid, active religious involvement in public debate.
Politics is where the work takes place to ensure the common good and individual human dignity. So Catholics need to be very involved. They need to understand their Catholic faith, and they need to rely on it as a guide in their political decisions. Vatican II's pastoral constitution on the Church in the modern world ["Gaudium et Spes"], declaration on religious liberty ["Dignitatis Humanae"] and the social encyclicals, including "Evangelium Vitae," are tremendous resources. Catholics should welcome cooperation with people of other religions, or no religion, who share a spirit of good will. The one thing Catholics cannot do is claim to be "Catholic" and then keep their faith out of their political actions. You can't personally believe in the humanity of the unborn child, and then vote for a law that allows the killing of that child. You can't personally support religious freedom, and then be silent about an "ally" that persecutes religious minorities. That's a form of lying.[13]
A genuine faith in God should always lead us to a deeper respect for the rights of the human person, including people with different religions from our own, because we are all created by the same Father. So Europe has a special opportunity and vocation in this field. It can offer a great example to the world of different religions living amicably with one another and cooperating for the common good. That can only happen, of course, if religious believers take their faith peacefully but vigorously into the public square -- including the voting booth. "Separation of church and state" should never mean exiling religion from public affairs. The U.S. Constitution, for instance, forbids the establishment of a specific state church. It does not forbid, and the founders never intended to forbid, active religious involvement in public debate.
Politics is where the work takes place to ensure the common good and individual human dignity. So Catholics need to be very involved. They need to understand their Catholic faith, and they need to rely on it as a guide in their political decisions. Vatican II's pastoral constitution on the Church in the modern world ["Gaudium et Spes"], declaration on religious liberty ["Dignitatis Humanae"] and the social encyclicals, including "Evangelium Vitae," are tremendous resources. Catholics should welcome cooperation with people of other religions, or no religion, who share a spirit of good will. The one thing Catholics cannot do is claim to be "Catholic" and then keep their faith out of their political actions. You can't personally believe in the humanity of the unborn child, and then vote for a law that allows the killing of that child. You can't personally support religious freedom, and then be silent about an "ally" that persecutes religious minorities. That's a form of lying.[13]
A Letter to Europeans from a European Muslim
“Europe is in debt to Christianity because, like it or not, that is what has given it its form, meaning, and values. Denying all of this means, for Europe, denying itself.” This is the lesson from the Muslim Khaled Fouad Allam. Algerian by birth, Allam is an Italian citizen since 1990, and a professor of Islamic studies at the universities of Trieste and Urbino, a scholar highly respected and followed in ecclesiastical circles. On the front page of the September 23 edition of “la Repubblica,” the most important left-wing secularist newspaper printed in Italy, of which he is an editorialist, Allam published an open letter to Europeans that resounds as a severe lesson to all those who, by denying the Christian roots of Europe, in reality annihilate themselves and close themselves off from any acceptance of others.
In his letter Allam also gives an interpretation of John Paul II’s vision of Europe: “What can the Holy Father do other than renew constantly St. Francis’ travels to the sultans of the world, toward other cultures and religions?” Over the following two days, the newspaper of the Italian bishops’ conference, “Avvenire,” gave a great deal of coverage to the article by Allam. And they contrasted it with what took place over those very days in Strasbourg, in the European Parliament. There, on September 24, an amendment by the European Popular Party aimed at introducing an acknowledgment of the continent’s Christian roots into the future constitution was rejected with 283 votes against, 211 in favor, and 15 abstentions. The most recent draft limits itself to mentioning, in its preamble, “the cultural, religious, and humanistic heritage of Europe.” Here are some excerpts from the article by Allam:
[…] A Muslim brought up within Islam, I left the land that produced Saint Augustine, Albert Camus, and one of the greatest Islamic mystics, Sidi Abu Meddin. I learned to live within a witnessing Islam, capable of meeting confrontation and encountering others, and for this reason the question of the roots of Europe brings into question my being both European and Muslim. There are many complex and difficult questions at stake, but one of them is essential: the question of the foundations of European identity. […] The call of John Paul II to consider the question of the Christian roots of the continent assumes a central importance and requires much more than a simple historical and cultural interpretation.
Certainly, many have argued against this approach: some fear that this call could be transformed into a means of infringing upon the principles of secularism; others, appealing to the juridical-constitutional sphere, assert that the task of a constitution is that of organizing relations among the different powers.
These arguments have always seemed feeble to me. […] The question the Holy Father asks makes us recognize the fact that political thought cannot be reduced to quantifiable expertise, and that it is always necessary to question politics in order to prevent it from becoming an instrument of manipulation or a cynical expression of power. In the case of the question of Christian roots, the political situation is inviting us to make interpretations, to seek out reasons in order to understand, construct, formulate hypotheses. I have often wondered why the topic of Christian roots still undergoes such sustained polemics, while the word “market,” which resounds like a leitmotif throughout the text of the convention, has not provoked any reflection on the relationship between the market and the construction of Europe.
Certainly, at first glance it is possible to make an exclusivist interpretation of the phrase “Christian roots,” but this is an incorrect reading, because it does not consider the context in which the question is posed: this question is an extension of the pope’s twenty-five years of activity all over the planet.
In reality, John Paul II’s insistence on the question of the Christian roots of Europe must not be separated from his many initiatives for dialogue: from the prayer meeting in Assisi in 1986 to his meeting with Rabbi Toaff in the synagogue of Rome; from his voyage to Israel to his meeting in the mosque of Damascus with the mufti of that mosque, and, even earlier, his meeting in Casablanca with young Moroccans in 1985. All these things have created a new outlook, a new interpretation of Christianity that the history of past centuries had impeded. And the building of Europe at the beginning of the twenty-first century is taking place in parallel with the shaping of this new Christianity that has broken free from its own history and has interiorized secularization. In effect, what can the Holy Father do other than renew constantly St. Francis’ travels to the sultans of the world, toward other cultures and religions?
The polemics over Christian roots lay bare our contradictions: the refusal to acknowledge these roots is the symptom of a fear, an inner block in regard to everything that European youth, now in their forties, learned on their school benches (crusades, religious wars, St. Bartholomew’s Night, etc.); but history demands a critical and honest distancing.
On cannot escape the fact that our modern political structures are rooted in Christianity: our law and institutions are the fruit of a complex elaboration that this civilization produced, apart from the fratricidal struggles that have marked it in past centuries.
But something even more profound has marked in an indelible way this continent, whose cultural boundaries are varied but in which we recognize a single essence, something that is difficult to elaborate rationally in a univocal way, but is present in the deepest heart of the European character. It is the passion for freedom – or rather democratic passions – and the sense of participating in a common history that have made Christianity the focal point around which Europe has defined itself. It is thus that we are moved by a Christ of Cimabue or find ourselves enchanted by Renaissance Madonnas, that we are carried away by listening to a motet by Bach or Mozart’s Requiem. None of this would have been possible without that debt. Europe is in debt to Christianity because, like it or not, that is what has given it its form, meaning, and values. Denying all of this means, for Europe, denying itself.
The question of Christian roots of Europe, at a moment in which everyone is talking about cultural diversity and multiethnicity, brings up other problems: how can one welcome the other while denying oneself? How can we seal a pact among the communities of the world if Europe refuses to recognize itself? Roots go down into the ground, where they meet, and will meet, other roots. The roots of Christianity are planted in Jewish and Greek soil, and now Christianity is facing Islam, while in the future it will encounter Asia and Africa.
This encounter is possible only if one is aware of one’s own roots. Considering the roots of Europe means considering possible, and sometimes unprecedented, extensions of the continent. Today America, China, and Africa are testing us, each with its own roots made of suffering and hope, while in Europe unease has already taken form, and is spreading. Europe, face to face with itself, is rich in wisdom but must still accept itself. To me, it represents the olive tree in the Koran, in verse 35 of the Sura of Light, which “is neither of the East nor of the West.” [translation: www.chiesa.espressonline.it]
Again “Ecclesia
in Europa”
Because
of its particular nature, “Ecclesia in Europa” runs the risk of being read by
very few people. Yet there are passages in it that merit attention. Following
is a list of some of the most relevant for our topic. In the parentheses are
the paragraph numbers.
LOSS OF MEMORY
[7] The age we are living in, with its own particular challenges, can seem to be a time of bewilderment. [...] I would like to mention in a particular way the loss of Europe's Christian memory and heritage, accompanied by a kind of practical agnosticism and religious indifference whereby many Europeans give the impression of living without spiritual roots and somewhat like heirs who have squandered a patrimony entrusted to them by history. It is no real surprise, then, that there are efforts to create a vision of Europe which ignore its religious heritage, and in particular, its profound Christian soul, asserting the rights of the peoples who make up Europe without grafting those rights on to the trunk which is enlivened by the sap of Christianity.
SILENT APOSTASY
[9] At the root of this loss of hope is an attempt to promote a vision of man apart from God and apart from Christ. This sort of thinking has led to man being considered as the absolute centre of reality, a view which makes him occupy – falsely – the place of God and which forgets that it is not man who creates God, but rather God who creates man. Forgetfulness of God led to the abandonment of man. It is therefore no wonder that in this context a vast field has opened for the unrestrained development of nihilism in philosophy, of relativism in values and morality, and of pragmatism – and even a cynical hedonism – in daily life. European culture gives the impression of “silent apostasy” on the part of people who have all that they need and who live as if God does not exist.
CULTURE OF DEATH
[9] This is the context for those attempts, including the most recent ones, to present European culture with no reference to the contribution of the Christian religion which marked its historical development and its universal diffusion. We are witnessing the emergence of a new culture, largely influenced by the mass media, whose content and character are often in conflict with the Gospel and the dignity of the human person. This culture is also marked by a widespread and growing religious agnosticism, connected to a more profound moral and legal relativism rooted in confusion regarding the truth about man as the basis of the inalienable rights of all human beings. At times the signs of a weakening of hope are evident in disturbing forms of what might be called a “culture of death”.
FALSE HOPES
[10] Yet, as the Synod Fathers made clear, man cannot live without hope: life would become meaningless and unbearable. Often those in need of hope believe that they can find peace in fleeting and insubstantial things. In this way, hope, restricted to this world and closed to transcendence, is identified, for example, with the paradise promised by science or technology, with various forms of messianism, with a hedonistic natural felicity brought about by consumerism, or with the imaginary and artificial euphoria produced by drugs, with certain forms of millenarianism, with the attraction of oriental philosophies, with the quest for forms of esoteric spirituality and with the different currents of the New Age movement.
[7] The age we are living in, with its own particular challenges, can seem to be a time of bewilderment. [...] I would like to mention in a particular way the loss of Europe's Christian memory and heritage, accompanied by a kind of practical agnosticism and religious indifference whereby many Europeans give the impression of living without spiritual roots and somewhat like heirs who have squandered a patrimony entrusted to them by history. It is no real surprise, then, that there are efforts to create a vision of Europe which ignore its religious heritage, and in particular, its profound Christian soul, asserting the rights of the peoples who make up Europe without grafting those rights on to the trunk which is enlivened by the sap of Christianity.
SILENT APOSTASY
[9] At the root of this loss of hope is an attempt to promote a vision of man apart from God and apart from Christ. This sort of thinking has led to man being considered as the absolute centre of reality, a view which makes him occupy – falsely – the place of God and which forgets that it is not man who creates God, but rather God who creates man. Forgetfulness of God led to the abandonment of man. It is therefore no wonder that in this context a vast field has opened for the unrestrained development of nihilism in philosophy, of relativism in values and morality, and of pragmatism – and even a cynical hedonism – in daily life. European culture gives the impression of “silent apostasy” on the part of people who have all that they need and who live as if God does not exist.
CULTURE OF DEATH
[9] This is the context for those attempts, including the most recent ones, to present European culture with no reference to the contribution of the Christian religion which marked its historical development and its universal diffusion. We are witnessing the emergence of a new culture, largely influenced by the mass media, whose content and character are often in conflict with the Gospel and the dignity of the human person. This culture is also marked by a widespread and growing religious agnosticism, connected to a more profound moral and legal relativism rooted in confusion regarding the truth about man as the basis of the inalienable rights of all human beings. At times the signs of a weakening of hope are evident in disturbing forms of what might be called a “culture of death”.
FALSE HOPES
[10] Yet, as the Synod Fathers made clear, man cannot live without hope: life would become meaningless and unbearable. Often those in need of hope believe that they can find peace in fleeting and insubstantial things. In this way, hope, restricted to this world and closed to transcendence, is identified, for example, with the paradise promised by science or technology, with various forms of messianism, with a hedonistic natural felicity brought about by consumerism, or with the imaginary and artificial euphoria produced by drugs, with certain forms of millenarianism, with the attraction of oriental philosophies, with the quest for forms of esoteric spirituality and with the different currents of the New Age movement.
THE MOST
PRECIOUS GOOD
[18] From the synodal Assembly there emerged the clear and passionate certainty that the Church has to offer Europe the most precious of all gifts, a gift which no one else can give: faith in Jesus Christ, the source of the hope that does not disappoint; a gift which is at the origin of the spiritual and cultural unity of the European peoples and which both today and tomorrow can make an essential contribution to their development and integration. After twenty centuries, the Church stands at the beginning of the third millennium with a message which is ever the same, a message which constitutes her sole treasure: Jesus Christ is Lord; in him, and in no one else, do we find salvation (Acts 4:12).
[18] From the synodal Assembly there emerged the clear and passionate certainty that the Church has to offer Europe the most precious of all gifts, a gift which no one else can give: faith in Jesus Christ, the source of the hope that does not disappoint; a gift which is at the origin of the spiritual and cultural unity of the European peoples and which both today and tomorrow can make an essential contribution to their development and integration. After twenty centuries, the Church stands at the beginning of the third millennium with a message which is ever the same, a message which constitutes her sole treasure: Jesus Christ is Lord; in him, and in no one else, do we find salvation (Acts 4:12).
NEW
EVANGELIZATION
[45] Church in Europe, the “new evangelization” is the task set before you! Rediscover the enthusiasm of proclamation. [...] Let the proclamation of Jesus, which is the Gospel of hope, be your boast and your whole life. Carry on with renewed zeal in the same missionary spirit which, down these twenty centuries, beginning with the preaching of the Apostles Peter and Paul, has inspired so many holy men and women, the Saints who were authentic evangelizers of the European continent.
FIRST PROCLAMATION
[46] In various parts of Europe a first proclamation of the Gospel is needed: the number of the unbaptized is growing, both because of the significant presence of immigrants of other religions and because children born into families of Christian tradition have not received Baptism, either as a result of the Communist domination or the spread of religious indifference. Indeed, Europe is now one of those traditionally Christian places which, in addition to a new evangelization, require in some cases a first evangelization.
RELIGIOUS ILLITERACY
[47] Everywhere, then, a renewed proclamation is needed even for those already baptized. Many Europeans today think they know what Christianity is, yet they do not really know it at all. Often they are lacking in knowledge of the most basic elements and notions of the faith. Many of the baptized live as if Christ did not exist.
[45] Church in Europe, the “new evangelization” is the task set before you! Rediscover the enthusiasm of proclamation. [...] Let the proclamation of Jesus, which is the Gospel of hope, be your boast and your whole life. Carry on with renewed zeal in the same missionary spirit which, down these twenty centuries, beginning with the preaching of the Apostles Peter and Paul, has inspired so many holy men and women, the Saints who were authentic evangelizers of the European continent.
FIRST PROCLAMATION
[46] In various parts of Europe a first proclamation of the Gospel is needed: the number of the unbaptized is growing, both because of the significant presence of immigrants of other religions and because children born into families of Christian tradition have not received Baptism, either as a result of the Communist domination or the spread of religious indifference. Indeed, Europe is now one of those traditionally Christian places which, in addition to a new evangelization, require in some cases a first evangelization.
RELIGIOUS ILLITERACY
[47] Everywhere, then, a renewed proclamation is needed even for those already baptized. Many Europeans today think they know what Christianity is, yet they do not really know it at all. Often they are lacking in knowledge of the most basic elements and notions of the faith. Many of the baptized live as if Christ did not exist.
THE
CHURCH IN THE NEW EUROPE
[116] One
and universal, yet present in the multiplicity of the Particular Churches, the
Catholic Church can offer a unique contribution to the building up of a Europe
open to the world. The Catholic Church in fact provides a model of essential
unity in a diversity of cultural expressions, a consciousness of membership in
a universal community which is rooted in but not confined to local communities,
and a sense of what unites beyond all that divides.
[117] In her relations with public authorities the Church is not calling for a return to the confessional state. She likewise deplores every type of ideological secularism or hostile separation between civil institutions and religious confessions.
For her part, in keeping with a healthy cooperation between the ecclesial community and political society, the Catholic Church is convinced that she can make a unique contribution to the prospect of unification by offering the European institutions, in continuity with her tradition and in fidelity to the principles of her social teaching, the engagement of believing communities committed to bringing about the humanization of society on the basis of the Gospel, lived under the sign of hope. From this standpoint, the presence of Christians, properly trained and competent, is needed in the various European agencies and institutions, in order to contribute – with respect for the correct dynamics of democracy and through an exchange of proposals – to the shaping of a European social order which is increasingly respectful of every man and woman, and thus in accordance with the common good.
EUROPE, BE NOT AFRAID!
[120] Europe needs to make a qualitative leap in becoming conscious of its spiritual heritage. The impetus for this can only come from hearing anew the Gospel of Jesus Christ. It is the responsibility of all Christians to commit themselves to satisfying this hunger and thirst for life.
Consequently the Church feels it her duty to repeat vigourously the message of hope entrusted to her by God and says again to Europe: “'The Lord your God is in your midst, a mighty Saviour!' (Zeph 3:17). Her invitation to hope is not based on a utopian ideology; on the contrary, it is the timeless message of salvation proclaimed by Christ (Mk 1:15). With the authority she has received from her Lord, the Church repeats to today's Europe: Europe of the third millennium, “let not your hands grow weak!” (Zeph 3:16); do not give in to discouragement, do not resign yourself to ways of thinking and living that have no future because they are not based on the solid certainty of God's Word!
Taking up anew this invitation to hope, I repeat to you again today: Europe, as you stand at the beginning of the third millennium, open the doors to Christ, be yourself, rediscover your origins, relive your roots. Down the centuries you have received the treasure of Christian faith. It has grounded your life as a society on principles drawn from the Gospel, and traces of this are evident in the art, literature, thought and culture of your nations. But this heritage does not belong just to the past; it is a project in the making, to be passed on to future generations, for it has indelibly marked the life of the individuals and peoples who together have forged the continent of Europe.
[121] Do not be afraid! The Gospel is not against you, but for you. This is confirmed by the fact that Christian inspiration is capable of transforming political, cultural and economic groupings into a form of coexistence in which all Europeans will feel at home and will form a family of nations from which other areas of the world can draw fruitful inspiration.
Be confident! In the Gospel, which is Jesus, you will find the sure and lasting hope to which you aspire. This hope is grounded in the victory of Christ over sin and death. He wishes this victory to be your own.
[117] In her relations with public authorities the Church is not calling for a return to the confessional state. She likewise deplores every type of ideological secularism or hostile separation between civil institutions and religious confessions.
For her part, in keeping with a healthy cooperation between the ecclesial community and political society, the Catholic Church is convinced that she can make a unique contribution to the prospect of unification by offering the European institutions, in continuity with her tradition and in fidelity to the principles of her social teaching, the engagement of believing communities committed to bringing about the humanization of society on the basis of the Gospel, lived under the sign of hope. From this standpoint, the presence of Christians, properly trained and competent, is needed in the various European agencies and institutions, in order to contribute – with respect for the correct dynamics of democracy and through an exchange of proposals – to the shaping of a European social order which is increasingly respectful of every man and woman, and thus in accordance with the common good.
EUROPE, BE NOT AFRAID!
[120] Europe needs to make a qualitative leap in becoming conscious of its spiritual heritage. The impetus for this can only come from hearing anew the Gospel of Jesus Christ. It is the responsibility of all Christians to commit themselves to satisfying this hunger and thirst for life.
Consequently the Church feels it her duty to repeat vigourously the message of hope entrusted to her by God and says again to Europe: “'The Lord your God is in your midst, a mighty Saviour!' (Zeph 3:17). Her invitation to hope is not based on a utopian ideology; on the contrary, it is the timeless message of salvation proclaimed by Christ (Mk 1:15). With the authority she has received from her Lord, the Church repeats to today's Europe: Europe of the third millennium, “let not your hands grow weak!” (Zeph 3:16); do not give in to discouragement, do not resign yourself to ways of thinking and living that have no future because they are not based on the solid certainty of God's Word!
Taking up anew this invitation to hope, I repeat to you again today: Europe, as you stand at the beginning of the third millennium, open the doors to Christ, be yourself, rediscover your origins, relive your roots. Down the centuries you have received the treasure of Christian faith. It has grounded your life as a society on principles drawn from the Gospel, and traces of this are evident in the art, literature, thought and culture of your nations. But this heritage does not belong just to the past; it is a project in the making, to be passed on to future generations, for it has indelibly marked the life of the individuals and peoples who together have forged the continent of Europe.
[121] Do not be afraid! The Gospel is not against you, but for you. This is confirmed by the fact that Christian inspiration is capable of transforming political, cultural and economic groupings into a form of coexistence in which all Europeans will feel at home and will form a family of nations from which other areas of the world can draw fruitful inspiration.
Be confident! In the Gospel, which is Jesus, you will find the sure and lasting hope to which you aspire. This hope is grounded in the victory of Christ over sin and death. He wishes this victory to be your own.
[1] While I am writing the Intergovernmental Conference that must approve the new Constitution of
the European Union is taking place in Rome.
[2] The ASFeR was
founded in Florence in 1985. In the Association’s Statute it is specified that
its aim is “to notice and analyse the religious phenomena in their ample
meaning according to a multi-disciplinary criterion, based on the models and the instruments of the human sciences, without ideological and
confessional foreclosures” (art.3). Referring to this intent the Association
has originated a body of Italian and foreign scholars of sciences of religion
belonging to different fields and methods, with the purpose of developing and
increasing further the scientific understanding of the religious factor in
today’s society. In this way, in a few years the ASFeR, thanks to its review,
“Religioni e Società” (Religions &
Societies), to the organization of the Colloqui Internazionali (International Colloquiums) and to the
International School on Religions in Europe, has become a considerable cultural
nucleus of promotion and a significant place of scientific research at the international
level.
[3] Take for instance the Socratic “Epimeleia thes psyches” or the
Kantian “gesunde Vernunft” which implies good care for an healthy reason and
avoiding being brain-washed by the media, for instance.
[4] It remains to be seen if a secularised concept can live very long
and with no substantial distortion without any kind of link with the
metaphysical or theological concept that has generated it.
[5] Carl Schmitt, Le categorie del
‘politico’, Il Mulino, Bologna, 1972, p. 61
[6] Bernard Lewis is Emeritus Professor of Near Eastern Studies at Princeton.
Other scholars would question this assertion, saying that Islamic influence
over Europe stopped at the XIII century.
[7] Prof. Ferrari
makes an acknowledgment: “I owe to Pietro De Marco the idea of integrating into
the new European constitution a reference to Jewish and Christian civilization
‘in fertile relationship with that of Islam.’” In effect, De Marco advanced
this proposal for an addition to the preamble last June 4, on
www.chiesa.espressonline.it.
[8] Professor of Social Sciences at the State University of Firenze.
[9] Eric Voegelin (1901-1985) is one of the most
original and influential philosophers of our time. Born in Cologne, Germany, he
studied at the University of Vienna, where he became a professor of political
science in the Faculty of Law. In 1938, he and his wife, fleeing Hitler,
emigrated to the United States.
[10] Professor of Modern History at the state university of Bologna.
[11] These problems have been debated also at the “European Symposium:
University and Church in Europe“, promoted by the Council of European Bishop’s
Conferences (CCEE) and held in Rome between 17th and 20th of July on the
occasion of the 7th centenary of the Foundation of the University of
Rome “La Sapienza”. At this symposium
more than a thousand between students and teaching staff in representation of
about 40 different European countries, have taken part in a very fruitful and
lively debate. The university too is a “gift
from the heart of the Church”, and even
if now is an independent institution, in order to keep its original role in
society it must stay in touch with its Christian roots. For this topic I would
like to refer to the following web page: http://www.universitas2000.org/
[12] Paul Valery (1871-1945) once commented that “Europe will become
what it is in reality, that is a small promontory of the Asiatic continent”.
[13] See the “Doctrinal
Note on the Participation of Catholics in Political Life”, published by Congregation
for the Doctrine of the Faith in November 2002, available on the Vatican’s web
site.
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